4/19/2021 0 Comments Zosimus New History Pdf
The signal exception is the proud allusion in the will of the Georgian Gregory Pakourianos, written before 1086, to the robes given to him by Alexios Komnenos after his victory over the Pechenegs; these, he specifies, had been worn by the emperor himself.These terms fail to imply that the apparel in question has utility or significance for those who receive it or witness its reception.In the latter there survive the physical traces of ceremonies and rituals in which the signs of an office or a function - sceptres and staffs being the obvious examples - are handed over from an office-holder to his or her successor, but none have the power of the keys of the kingdom that Christ gave to Simon Peter (Matt.
David that the Lord tells Isaiah (22: 22) he will lay on the shoulder of Eliakim, the son of Hilkiah. I cite this Old Testament passage not because it is more obscure than the legacy to Peter, and hence to the Papacy, but because this bequest also involves wearables 1 and is thus paradigmatic for our investigation. When, for instance, in a twelfth-century miniature depicting the moment when Pharaoh sets Joseph over all the land of Egypt, arrayed him in vestures of fine linen and put a gold chain about his neck and. If not a signet, the ring is still a potent sign of the passing of authority. From the ninth century there is a covey of images of Elijah leaving his himation to his disciple as he rises into heaven. It is clear, however, that the transmission of prophetic power is not the main point of these pictures. In the Paris Gregory (Fig. HAIAC ANAAAMBANOMENOC but what is technically a redundant garment is handed down to Elisha since he, like his master, already wears both a tunic and a mantle. It is so, too, in the Vatican Christian Topography (Fig. Psalter illustration, the event is associated with things meteorological or geographical all thy waves and all thy billows are gone over me - rather than political. It might be supposed that the transmission of the robe was so established a part of the prophets ascension that there was no need to emphasize this detail. Yet even while Elijahs mantle had been the object of christological analogy as early as the beginning of the fifth century, 5 this exegesis had no part in pre-Iconoclastic iconography. And even when it does appear in the miniatures we have just discussed, the fact remains that the conveyance of authority was not their primary topic. Even so, as we shall see, it is clear that Syriac, Arab and Western authors seem to have been far more interested than their Byzantine counterparts in this sort of behaviour. Gregory Abul Faraj, for instance, reports how Theodosius II took the robe of a dead ascetic and filthy as it was. Indeed, the most famous case - Alexios Is transmission of a garment off his own back to abbot Benedict of Monte Cassino 10 - is known to us only from a Latin source. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Cloisters Collection, acc. By courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. It is true that the visual, and especially the numismatic, witnesses depict such transfers as faits accomplis, as against the emphasis on process implicit in the manuscripts we have looked at. Thus a solidus struck in Trier after Valentinian I proclaimed Gratian his co-emperor in 367 shows father and son seated side by side and sharing the globe; identically clad, they are distinguished only by their size, an arrangement reproduced for their successor (Fig. But unrestricted by the narrow compass of a coin, Ammianus Marcellinus speaks at length of this investiture with the crown and robes of supreme rank and, lest there be any mistaking their meaning, has the senior emperor declare in direct speech that these are imperial garments. The historians purpose here is to criticize Valentinians departure from the protocol that obtained when the robes of a caesar were awarded. Acute sensitivity to deviation from behavioural norms clearly characterizes this culture: thirteen years later, Ausonius, Gratians former tutor, was raised by the emperor to the consulate, an honour marked for the old man especially by the fact that the trabea palmata (embroidered with the figure of divus Constantius parens noster ) was picked out of many by Gratian himself. The valences of awards of this sort are keenly demonstrated by Zosimus when he tells of the o sent by Julian to his cousin to signify that the latter should inherit the throne if Julian perished in Persia (as in fact he did in 363). The emperor Justins gift of a crown and silk mantle to Tzath, King of the Laz, is described in the Chronicon Paschale, by Malalas and by Agathias, as a reward for this rulers conversion to Christianity. This is implicit in Procopius description of the motley assemblage of rich attire and gewgaws conveyed by Justinian via his general Belisarius to the leader of the Moors. The gift, we are told by the historian, was required by ancient Moorish custom. In the face of such demands from the Khazars and other peoples Constantine Porphyrogennetos found himself forced to invent a myth of the divine origin, and hence the inalienability, of the imperial regalia. Moses Dasxuranci, the Armenian historian of uncertain date and hyperbolic inclination, tells how the King of the South sc. Repeatedly, the Kletorologion of Philotheos stresses that the vestimentary insignia which marked the distribution of dignities and titles were given by the emperors hand. And more than four centuries later the Pseudo-Kodinos makes the same point about the way the crown was awarded to a despotes upon his promotion. Zosimus New History Manuals Of CeremonialApart from these manuals of ceremonial, however, and in contrast to the Islamic record, there is scant reference in Byzantine texts to the receipt of clothing from the emperor.
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